曾德成的突然襲擊
港事評論二則

◎ 金 鐘

民主之路荊棘滿途

讀者拿到本期雜誌時,香港立法會(議會)補選相信已經結束,「兩個女人的戰爭」將告揭曉。據民調陳方安生高於葉劉淑儀十個百分點。但有媒體分析,因為臨選前親中派的抹黑戰術,挾帶其在區議會選舉的大捷氣勢,陳太輸葉太贏的可能性也不是沒有。無論誰輸誰贏,我們認為這場選舉對於展望香港民主前途的意義都是不可忽視的。

首先,香港社會和台灣一樣也有自己的兩大派,俗稱民主派和親中派。為了爭奪一席立法會議席,香港的兩派政黨都推不出自己的代表,而是選擇分別支持兩位前政府高官,她們有派無黨。這是香港政治的一個特色,即政黨政治的成熟度尚未達到足以取代香港行政體制的權威性。這應該和香港傳統是一個政治熱情有限的商業都會有關,和英國留下的管治機制的有效性有關,也和紅色中國的巨大影響力有關。

其次,這場選舉仍然顯示香港市民民主意願的提升有增無減。陳太的參選,具有象徵性。年屆六十八的這位退休高官,不是權力慾高張的人,也不為個人私利,只為「香港民主」這樣一個基本價值觀所驅使。她面對爭民主的風險,也不會成為另一個昂山素姬,但仍能毅然決然地放下身段投入競選,表現了香港精英階層的良知。另一方面,前任保安局長葉太,被公認是香港政壇的保守派,她的參選,顯然反映香港社會不斷被染紅的現實。但為了拉票,她也不得不為推銷惡法二十三條而道歉,甚至她的競選單張上,第二許諾就是「爭取二○一二年雙普選」。

可是,香港特區的太上皇中共中央,不僅不接受二○一二,甚至對二○一七年雙普選,至今也未鬆口。有些人可能不甚明瞭,北京何以如此小氣?請關注一下大陸的維權狀況,自然明白。中共連自己的黨中央實行民主都不放心,不放行,豈容在五星紅旗下的香港,如此放肆,一人一票選特首?讓他們整套包辦控制體制報廢,更危險的是衝破了他們數十年經營的一黨制神話。每天上十萬名來港的大陸人,他們總有一天會發出還政於民的吼聲:「我們忍受夠了!」

台灣民主已具規模,香港民主也在爭取中。台港的經驗,對中國而言,都相當於先期性的演習。這個普世認同而中國例外的民主理想,人們珍惜的不在於選出一個他們喜歡的領袖,而是在於建立一個不斷完善的真正保障人的尊嚴和權利的制度。人們對於民主二百年的美國和民主二十年的台灣有諸多不滿,即使共產專制倒台後的民主俄國,沒有報禁,沒有黨禁,但社會的黑暗面也令人吃驚……這些現實,都告訴我們:民主制度的建立,特別是有數千年皇權主義傳統的中國社會,是一個要付出代價的漫長過程,我們在這個過程中前進,也享受這過程中的一切歡愉與挫折。但絕不是一次選舉的得失。 ( 2007 年 11 月 29 日 )

曾德成的突然襲擊

上面這篇短評寫於開放雜誌 2007 年 12 月號付印的前夕。三天之後,香港立法會議員補選,便已揭曉。陳方安生以十七萬票勝出,葉劉淑儀以三萬餘票之差落選,比一般預計輸得要多。選後不少評論都強調,這是香港市民爭取 2012 年雙普選的一個強烈的信號。 12 月 5 日 ,陳太在立法會宣誓就任,並參與第一次議政。沒有料到的是,當她的一般性發言後,出席當天會議的民政事務局長曾德成,竟在發言中對陳太突然襲擊。指她曾任港英政府高官,主持過民生工作,今天說沒有民主就沒有民生,是「忽然民主」和「忽然民生」。陳太會後回應說,曾德成的挑釁性的發言是人身攻擊。民主派議員則指曾德成這樣羞辱一位新任議員,是發官威,要求他道歉。連日來,事件成為香港傳媒的頭條新聞。

和許多獨立評論一樣,我們對曾德成出手攻擊陳太,也感到憤慨。本來,議場中的辯論是常態,曾德成為何成為眾矢之的?首先,違背議會原則,即官員列席議會是來備詢的,沒有見過這樣反客為主地對議員進行先發制人的攻擊。其次,陳太是十七萬支持民主的選民選出來的議員,她必須代表選民發言。任何人都可以選擇自己的政治意願,和「忽然民主」毫不相干。更顯而易見的則是曾德成表現的那種偏見,已經泄露了他對香港民主的深刻的敵意。

曾德成者,非同尋常之輩。他早在 1967 年文革高潮時,在香港參與港共暴動的反英活動而被捕,入獄兩年。其後,一直是中共精心培養的治港人選,曾任大公報總編輯和四屆中國人大代表。九七回歸後,旋即被特區政府納入「中央政策組」研究政府運作七年, 2007 年,曾蔭權連任特首後,立即委任為民政局長。成為治港的「高幹」。

曾德成這次被傳媒稱為「左毒發作」的表現,幾乎達到肆無忌憚的地步,完全打破香港官場的文明規矩。港共為之辯解是他「有感而發」。此說可圈可點。曾德成「感」什麼?一感,他數十年恨之入骨的港英政府的「餘孽」,竟然如此被熱烈歡迎地送進香港回歸十年後的議事殿堂,豈不是歷史的大倒退?讓我這樣反英國殖民統治為香港回歸紅旗下奮鬥終身的英雄情何以堪?二感,這班所謂「民主派」(我黨早已改稱其為反對派),除了挾洋自重(漢奸行為)外,就是靠民主口號蠱惑群眾,我們在區議會大敗他們,還比不上一個陳方安生風光!不殺殺她的威風, 2012 年雙普選,怎能有效控制?

我認為,最令曾德成感觸的是,他以他沉溺其中的政情圈子的體驗,給了他信心,中央支持港共的政策不會改變,中國的強大崛起不會改變,而香港需要的是如當年他不怕為反英坐牢的勇氣,敢於站出來,和反中亂港逆流鬥。中央絕不會在香港批左……於是,捨我其誰!一言以蔽之,曾局長有恃無恐。

在我們看來,又是什麼性質?曾德成的發作,乃是向香港人展示了一種前景,港共一旦實現了對香港的完全統治之後,他們將會對一切威脅他們權力和利益的組織和個人實行反攻倒算。所以,市民說,羞辱陳方安生,就是羞辱十七萬選民!其實,何止十七萬。

( 2007 年 12 月 6 日 )


 

Power Struggle and the 17 th CPC National Congress
By Jin Zhong

 

Upon the announcement of the date for the 17 th CPC National Congress, our editorial for the September 2007 issue was entitled “Hu Jintao Runs into Trouble.” It solemnly pointed out the greatest significance of the 17 th Congress: to choose successors for the 18 th Congress. In October, we took the lead in releasing a news item entitled “The Two Successors — Xi Jinping & Li Keqiang.” Media in China and abroad intently followed up on the news. Now, the 17 th Congress has closed and the truth has been revealed. The main points of our coverage have all been verified, and Hu Jintao is really running into trouble. In this issue, we probe into recent happenings and analyze future trends.

Power struggles are inevitable in countries around the world. The autocratic, feudal and unscrupulous power struggles in China have raised the public's concern and have thus been a major talking point in the media. The competition between successors for the 17 th Congress is undeniably hot news, but it may be hard for outsiders to get behind the cover-up to the complex inside story. Scraps of reliable information indicate two major implications in Xi Jinping's rise and his replacement for Li Keqiang as successor to Hu Jintao.

The first implication relates to the Shanghai faction. Chen Liangyu, head of the Shanghai faction and a Politburo member, was expected to be promoted to the 17 th Politburo Standing Committee and take his place in the succession, but was brought down by Hu Jintao and Zeng Qinghong last year and sent to prison. Jiang Zemin, Chen's supporter, was uneasy with the situation, and his counterattack was to object to Hu's succession plan. The second implication is that the strong camp standing by Jiang was unwilling to see its power fall by the wayside, and hence the highly congenial Xi appeared a good choice at this juncture. Zeng Qinghong, who engaged in diplomatic negotiations and successively assisted Jiang and Hu to consolidate their positions, is the key behind the two-year power struggle unveiled during the 17 th Congress.

Jiang Zemin, the “big brother” of the Third Generation of leadership, is well aware that Hu wants everyone to be the yes-man. He has set up defenses to ensure that the balance of power in the PSC is beneficial to him so he can enjoy some peace in his remaining years. This wish has been fulfilled through the setback to Hu's succession plan.

The power struggle not only affects the interests of the various factions, but also has an affect that relates to tradition. The First and Second generations of the PRC leadership represented the era of revolution and war, while the Third and Fourth are the technocratic generations. Challenged by trends outside their control, the technocratic mode of governance represented by Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao will soon fade away. Xi Jinping and Li Keqiang, representatives of the Fifth Generation, were raised in the climate of the 1980s. Their vision and mindset will provide a better match with the times. They will hold the reins of government during the decade from 2012 to 2022, the 20 th National Party Congress. This will certainly be a decade of political transformation for China . How will these men change China ? That is a common question behind power struggles, and it served as a foundation for Hu and Jiang to set aside their differences and reach a compromise.

This issue of Open Magazine offers a thorough exploration of the ins and outs of the 17 th National Party Congress. The Government took the precaution of deploying 80,000 security guards outside the site, while inside, democracy and freedom were restricted to the lowest point since the Cultural Revolution. It is unthinkable that, three decades after “reform and opening” and with China joining the world economy through globalization, the 17 th National Party Congress is still so highly centralized and inflexible. The situation indicates a high degree of disharmony and unscientific development in China , which further implies that we will not see any political reform in the coming five years at least.

31 st October, 2007, Hong Kong